These institutional provisions, established in these three areas of action, are defined in the agreement as „interdependent and interdependent“. In particular, it is found that the functioning of the Northern Ireland Assembly and the North-South Council of Ministers is „so closely linked that the success of individual countries depends on that of the other“ and that participation in the North-South Council of Ministers „is one of the essential tasks assigned to the relevant bodies in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland]. The agreement has never solved the source of this fear. Indeed, it expressly avoided it and instead chose to create a system in which the two positions could coexist peacefully. The agreement first did so by acknowledging the „persistent and equally legitimate political aspirations“ of each side. Then there was a smart rule: the previous text has only four articles; It is this short text that is the legal agreement, but it contains the latter agreement in its timetables.  Technically, this proposed agreement can be distinguished as a multi-party agreement, unlike the Belfast Agreement itself.  The result of these referendums was a large majority in both parts of Ireland in favour of the agreement. In the Republic, 56% of the electorate voted, 94% of the vote voted in favour of the revision of the Constitution.
The turnout was 81% in Northern Ireland, with 71% of the vote for the agreement. The multi-party agreement is an agreement between the Uk government, the Irish government and most political parties in Northern Ireland. It defines the support of the signatory parties under the Anglo-Irish agreement and provides the framework for various political institutions. It is divided into three parts: as part of the agreement, the British Parliament repealed the Government of Ireland Act 1920 (which had founded Northern Ireland, divided Ireland and asserted a territorial right to the whole of Ireland) and the Irish people amended Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Constitution, which asserted a territorial right to Northern Ireland. But the underlying bigotry was, if necessary, reinforced by the agreement. „The political status of Northern Ireland could change in the future, and that is really very reassuring for the nationalists,“ she said. „For the Unionists, there is a feeling that we must constantly consolidate this unionist identity and not give up this majority, because we fear that if we move to a nationalist identity, we will have a united Ireland. … That`s why they`re taking a step further and further towards elections for radical parties, that`s why the DUP and Sinn Féin came to power – because there is this uncertainty, there is this feeling that Northern Ireland is in political limbo. This conference takes the form of regular and frequent meetings between The British and Irish ministers to promote cooperation between the two governments at all levels. On issues not left to Northern Ireland, the Irish government can present views and proposals.
All decisions of the Conference are taken by mutual agreement between the two governments and the two governments, in order to make resolute efforts to resolve the differences between them. The British government is virtually out of the game and neither parliament nor the British people have, as part of this agreement, the legal right to obstruct the achievement of Irish unity if it had the consent of the people of the North and The South… Our nation is and will remain a nation of 32 circles.